December 07, 2005
So is Liu Binyan.
So is he gone, like Zhao Ziyang and Ba Jin.
You mean, I get to dress up in all black for the third time, this year alone, to commemorate somebody that I consider to be very important in Chinese history?
Alright, here comes one of those history ramblings again.
Liu's widow said that she will have her children take Liu's ashes back to China. She said he finally gets to go back. Sixteen years in exile, he can finally go home, not alive, not being able to see China again with his own eyes, but at least, in some form, through some formality.
If I recall correctly, Zhou Enlai has once said that he'd like his ashes spread over the Yangtze River when his time is due. A final return to the origin of all Chinese culture since time immeorial.
There is something sadly romantic about that idea. Politicians, poets and historians who live through China's tumultuous times have expressed such wish. Qu Yuan chose to jump to his death in a river. The River Elegy as individually applied, in every one of these people's lives.
Born in China, die in China. I don't think many people in our age understand how fortunate it is to be able to call a place home and be able to go as one wishes, and to choose to die there. Some people simply don't get the right to do that. They could be in willing exile, they could be forced to stay out of their own country by the government. Either way, Liu was somebody who loved China deeply, and because he was so outspoken about his ideas, he was banished from the country he loved enough to make his point despite knowing the very likely fate that he'd be kicked out of the country, if not locked up and killed, or, all of the above.
Do I have a tribute to write for Liu Binyan? I am not sure I do. I have read one or two of his books on the 1989 Democracy Movement, and I know his life relatively well. At some point, he has inspired me to become a journalist and political commentator on Chinese affairs. Somewhere along the lines, I gave up on that and chose law school.
Now, somebody that I respected a lot has passed away. I am starting to wonder what could possibly be China's political future, when the most outspoken, brightest and adamantly pro-democracy Chinese intellectuals are passing away one by one. Do we have a Chinese person, who has the intellectual acumen and the courage, to take over the legacy born by Zhao Ziyang, Ba Jin, and Liu Binyan, each signifying a different aspect to Chinese thought in the country's historical path? Do we have anybody today to work outside of the one-party system and guard independence in thoughts?
Oh... China.... When will China become what these intellectuals envision it to be, a country of true magnificence?
November 15, 2005
Do I Need More Memory of 1989 In My System?
I have been having so little time for myself lately that I can hardly ever do anything China-related. Today I finally got to read the NYT and catch up a little bit. It will be long before I get the time to read more indepth anlysis from other news sources, but here are a few China news to note:
Re: China commemorating the 90th birthday of the late Hu Yaobang, it is good news, indeed, but of course everything done in China to reform a purged leader is a political act to further some immediate goals of the party leader. As the NYT characterizes Hu Jintao's decision to commemorate Hu Yaobang, against opposition from some politburo members, to be a political tactic to reform his own hardliner image, with the recent crackdown on social protests against landtaking, the ban of political freedom and the control of the Internet.
From the sinophile's viewpoint, no matter what it is that Hu Yaobang is being used for in 2005, some 16 years after his death, the revival of his memory, an official recognition of his leadership and the celebration of his birth means a lot.
If you commemorate his birth, you also commemorate his death. The life of a politician, his rise, his fall, and the storm that his death triggered.
I want to be optimistic, and I really want to think that this will lead to a more tolerant policy toward discussions of June 4th. Like I always said, the Chinese people do not forget. I don't. Others don't either.
Re: Bush in Asia, I think this comment of his is kind of cute:
Mr. Bush's biggest challenge may come in how he talks about China as a competitor - for both economic and diplomatic influence, from Southeast Asia to the oil fields of the Middle East.
So far, Mr. Bush has chosen to talk instead about memories from a simpler time: his visit to China exactly 30 years ago, as the ice was breaking with Beijing and his father was America's most senior representative in the country.
"Everybody was on bicycles," he said last week in an interview on Phoenix Television, a Chinese broadcaster. "I rode all over the place in Beijing, which was fascinating," he said, recalling "how odd people thought I looked."
As much as I don't care for Bush, there are moments where he's just so cute. Yes, cute, and probably nothing more beyond that. "How odd people thought I looked."--great quote. Well, have things really changed, some thirty years later?
June 19, 2005
Zhang Lin To be Tried Next Week
Human Rights in China
Dissident Writer Zhang Lin to be Tried Next Week
June 15, 2005
Human Rights in China (HRIC) has learned that the words of a punk rock song are part of the evidence to be raised against dissident writer Zhang Lin when he is tried next week on charges of incitement to subvert state power.
Sources in China told HRIC that Zhang Lin will be brought before the Intermediate People’s Court of Bengbu, Anhui Province on the morning of June 21 in a trial that is closed to the public. Zhang Lin was detained at the Bengbu train station on January 29 this year after returning from a failed attempt to attend a memorial service for deposed Chinese leader Zhao Ziyang in Beijing. Zhang was one of dozens of people reported detained around that time for similar reasons, and the current whereabouts of many of these people remain unknown.
HRIC has now learned that Zhang Lin’s indictment mentions nothing about his memorial activities for Zhao Ziyang, but rather accuses him of inciting subversion through his Internet writings, including the posting of some stanzas from a song by the punk rock group Pangu.
The indictment issued by the Bengbu municipal procuratorate on May 23 states, “The accused, Zhang Lin, used the Internet, overseas radio transmissions and other such media to openly disseminate language that misrepresents and denigrates the national authorities and the socialist system, and which incites subversion of state power and the overthrow of the socialist system under Article 105 of China’s Criminal Law.” The indictment states the details of Zhang Lin’s alleged crime as follows: “During the period between August 2003 and January 2005, the accused, Zhang Lin, posted 192 articles on the Internet Web sites of Boxun, Epoch Times, Secret News, China Monthly and others.” The indictment states that the contents of Zhang’s essays “opposed the basic principles of the constitution, damaged national unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity, spread falsehoods, disturbed social order and damaged social stability.” Among the critical writings the indictment cites is Zhang’s essay “Pangu – The Hysterical Ravings of the Chinese People.” The essay quotes a song by the punk rock group that says, “The Yellow River should run dry, this society should collapse, this system should be destroyed, this race should become extinct, this country should perish.” The quotation of this song is included in the indictment as an example of incitement to subvert state power.
According to Internet Web sites, Pangu is a punk rock group formed by a group of young people in Nanchang City, Jiangxi Province in 1995. After the group moved to Guangzhou, its popularity spread across the country. Articles observe that the band’s countercultural attitude has proven especially popular with disaffected Chinese youth. When Pangu performed in Taiwan in 2004, one of its songs, “Independent Revolution,” was viewed as supporting Taiwan independence. The group has since settled in Sweden, where it continues to perform punk songs, including one setting a poem by Zhang Lin to music. Some sources in China have expressed particular concern that the citing of the Pangu song in Zhang Lin’s indictment effectively construes artistic expression as a political act.
Zhang Lin, born in Bengbu in 1963, is a long-time political dissident. During the Democracy Wall period in 1979, Zhang Lin was introduced to dissident writings while a student at Tsinghua University. During the 1989 democracy movement, Zhang Lin led student hunger strikes in Bengbu. Following the violent official suppression of the democracy movement in June 1989, Zhang Lin was detained and sentenced to two years in prison on charges of “counterrevolutionary incitement.” Following his release, in 1993 Zhang Lin joined Liu Lianchun, Yuan Hongbing and others to establish the “Federation for the Protection of Worker’s Rights,” after which Zhang was detained again in 1994 and sentenced to three years of Reeducation Through Labor. Following his release in 1997, Zhang Lin settled in the United States, but in 1998 he illegally reentered China, where he was detained again and sentenced to three years of Reeducation Through Labor. Zhang Lin experienced considerable hardship and ill-treatment during his various detentions. Following his latest release, Zhang Lin was subjected to constant monitoring and harassment by the police, and was never able to live a normal life. He supported himself and his family largely through the money he was paid for the articles he published overseas. Two of Zhang’s articles describing his personal experiences and the situation in Bengbu have been published in English in HRIC’s quarterly journal, China Rights Forum.
Zhang Lin is currently detained in Bengbu’s No. 1 Detention Center. He has gone on hunger strike twice to protest his detention and the physical abuse he has experienced there. Zhang’s lawyer, Mo Shaoping, has not been allowed to see him. Mo Shaoping earlier this month learned from the trial judge that Zhang’s trial would not be open to the public. Mo applied for an open trial on the basis that Zhang was being prosecuted for his public writings, and there were no state secrets involved, but his application was denied.
“The use of the words of a punk rock song to charge Zhang Lin with subversion shows the lengths to which the Chinese authorities feel compelled to go in persecuting and suppressing those who exercise freedom of expression,” said HRIC president Liu Qing. “Zhang Lin has been subjected to constant persecution over the past 16 years, even though his chief aspiration has always been the welfare of China and the Chinese people. The Chinese authorities should withdraw their prosecution against Zhang Lin, or if they insist on carrying it forward, they should try Zhang in open court so the public can witness how justice is administered in this deplorable case.”